Twelve theses on the distorted representation of the communal conflicts raging throughout the United Kingdom
On the politics of fear pursued by the British Government and its collaborators in the media and the NGO complex
Riots tend to display the worst instincts of the human spirit. Even when
motivated by a sense of genuine grievance or an understandable cause,
rioters can lose all sense of proportion and behaviour in ways that
dehumanise both their targets and themselves.
Rioting is a volatile lashing out. In itself, it tells no story and often turns
attention away from the issues that have sparked the actions. It is the
mainstream media that decides how a riot is framed and interpreted.
In 2020, the media had no problems with the Black Lives Matter riots. As
far as it was concerned, these riots were not an explosion of violent anti-
social and, at times, criminal behaviour but simply justice motivated
protests. Some intellectual supporters of these riots even justified acts of
destruction and looting. The contrast between the response to the BLM
riots and the contemporary explosion of communal violence in the UK is
striking. The media and the dominant elites are not interested in
understanding the motives of the British rioters. Their response is to
demonise, pathologize and repress and ultimately rid society of a group of
people they regard as vermin. As far as they are concerned these are riots
without any comprehensible or justifiable cause.
To understand what is going on in the UK it is essential to take a step back
and investigate the social and cultural conditions that have created a terrain
on which civil conflict can flourish. It is also essential to question and
demystify the dominant narrative promoted by the BBC and the
mainstream media and their friends in the political Establishment.
1. Contrary to the media presentation of events these riots were in the
main driven by local participants whose behaviour was fuelled by the
conviction that enough is enough. According to reports around 70 per cent
of the participants and of those arrested were local people. It was the fear of
becoming aliens in their own place of birth that led many of them to lash
out against what they perceived to be the forces responsible for their
predicament.
2. Media claims about the role of outside agitators were entirely
speculative and were integral to the attempt to present these essentially
disorganised riots as the outcome of a well-co-ordinated and organised
project.
3. The claims that these riots were orchestrated by the English Defence
League (EDL) and other far-right groups and individuals were based on a
conspiratorial mindset. It underestimated the genuine strength of
spontaneous outrage creating a dynamic that led to the spread of essentially
small-scale localised rioting during the 2-3 days following the stabbing of
children in Southport.
4. The media narrative that endowed the EDL and various right-wing
individuals with formidable organising resources was and remains the
invention of the propaganda machine of the British Establishment. No
doubt right wing activists posted provocative statements on the social
media and a handful participated in rioting. But their influence has been
blown out of proportion to inflate the role and the threat posed by the far
right.
5. If anyone is responsible for fanning the flames of unrest during the
days following the initial riots it is the propaganda promoted by the British
political class. It adopted a classical form of the politics of fear and
constantly communicated an alarmist narrative about the scale of the threat
posed by the rioters to the fabric of society. For example, warnings about
the possibility of 30 riots erupting because of the activities of the far right
are paradigmatic in this respect. There was no organised timetable for
orchestrating riotous protests.
6. The goal of the Government’s propaganda activity was to silence the
views of protestors and rioters and displace their concerns with the claim
that minority communities were facing an unprecedented attack by
politically motivated groups of racists. In effect the Government launched a
disinformation campaign that sought to represents the riots as a form
terrorist activity designed to intimidate minority communities. In this way
anyone who signalled their understanding of the concerns of the rioters
could be labelled as a far-right sympathiser. In particular, anyone who
dares to draw attention to the downside of uncontrolled mass migration is
liable to become a walking target of multi-cultural identity policing.
7. One of the most remarkable developments of recent events was the
speed with which the media, the Government and a network of NGOs
joined together to invent a story about a nation confronting the threat of
fascism. Nick Lowles, of the NGO Hope not Hate, personifies the approach
adopted by this coalition. Lowles was forced to admit that his widely
publicised story about an acid attack on a Muslim was a work of fantasy.
But the promotion of fake news about the threat posed by the riots was
rarely exposed to media scrutiny.
8. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Government has and
continues to use the riots as an opportunity to institutionalise a repressive
political culture. It seeks to represent its critics as far right activists that
must be placed under a political quarantine. In this way two-tier policing
will continue to be normalised. It is likely that the meaning of the far-right
will continue to expand to embrace anyone concerned with the erosion of
the British way of life.
9. The riots have been a long time coming and the murder of the girls in
Southport was merely a catalyst that brought to the surface tensions that
unfortunately prevail in many communities. Communal tensions and
conflict prevail in many parts of Britain and people who perceive
themselves as British or English feel marginalised and ignored by the
institutions of the state. They feel that their voice is ignored and that they
have in effect become dispossessed of their cultural legacy and way of life.
They have no place in a world where Identity is everything. Tragically, some
of them have responded to their predicament by embracing the identity of
being white. In the current conjuncture, where public life is intensely
racialised, a white identity will always come across as hyper-racist.
10 No doubt many of rioters communicated their sentiments through the
language of racism. Racism in any form has no place in a civilised
democratic society. But the real problem is not the small groups of white
disgruntled racists, but a culture that racializes public life. The
politicisation of identity, with its promotion of a racialised discourse,
means that community conflicts always contain the potential for the
manifestation of a racist rhetoric.
11 It is likely that the Government and its allies in the media and the NGO-
world will succeed in imposing on the public the authoritarian narrative of
protecting society from the far-right enemy from within. Its fictitious
narrative notwithstanding, the power of these institutions ensures that
their version of events can gain hegemony to the point that their opponents
will be silenced and marginalised. Expect a series of ‘anti-hate’ protests
which are designed to popularise the narrative of stopping the onward
march of the far-right. Potentially, the organisation of anti-hate and anti-
fascist marches and activities can provide the Government with a
constituency that can compensate for the effect of its declining support
more generally. Even King Charles got in to praise the supposed
‘community spirit’ represented by the stage army of anti-haters.
12 It is essential that those of us concerned with the future of Britain, its
way of life and historical legacy, do not allow ourselves to be placed under a
political quarantine. No doubt the rioters should be condemned and
punished. But in many ways the Government response to these rioters
represents a far greater problem than the small number of individuals who
participated in the riots. Its response ensures that ethnic tension and
conflict will become an integral feature of its version of the ‘British way of
life’.
Labour has seized the opportunity to promote a bogey man of the 'far-right', a justification for 'militant democracy' - Loewenstein's 1937 concept to pre-emptively curtail civil and politcal liberties to save democracy from fascism. (In the 1930s fascism was a real threat of course). In today's Britain the idea is to save Labour and socialism from a democracy that could turn against them by curtailing freedom of expression.
The Online Harms Bill is being reviewed (i.e. looked at for ways to extend it) and the new Racial Equalites Act, under which employers will have to start classifying employees by race, looks set to be extended further to include an offence of 'islamophobia'. Authoritarian control will masquerade as protection. The media will help promote this doublethink while Labour construct legal barriers to extremism, the definition of which will morph at speed into any oppostion to its program and world view. A divided and demoralised right will not be able to defend free speech.
Tolerant England is tolerating its own destruction. It's history is being rewritten by 'decolonisers' and the next generation is being grabbed now by a 'review' of the education syllabus overseen by an intersectional feminist. Academy schools that educate rather then indocrinate are to lose their exemption to goverment control. The new syllabus will apply to them for the first time since their creation.
Starmer believes himself to be morally good. His aims are (to him at least) just. But, as C S lewis once noted: "Of all tyrannies, a tyranny sincerely exercised for the good of its victims may be the most oppressive. It would be better to live under robber barons than under omnipotent moral busybodies. The robber baron's cruelty may sometimes sleep, his cupidity may at some point be satiated; but those who torment us for our own good will torment us without end for they do so with the approval of their own conscience."
The moral superiority of those who inhabit the elites entails contempt or disadain for the lower orders who lack the elites' superior insight and vision. It leads, as C S Lewis went on to explain:
"To be "cured" against one's will and cured of states which we may not regard as disease is to be put on a level of those who have not yet reached the age of reason or those who never will; to be classed with infants, imbeciles, and domestic animals.”
The imbecilic population who do not support Labour - i.e. 80% of the electorate - are about to pay a very high price for voting out the robber barons that were the Tory party.
Brilliant analysis, thank you Frank. The reaction of the Governing and Media class to these tragic murders and ensuing chaos has been nothing less than sickening.
In terms of the sources of the Government response it would seem the government has drawn on the template of the Lock down – Starmer is on record as eulogizing this time as the apotheosis of national unity. The pattern is clear too in the Government attacks on anyone questioning the established narrative, and by extension they have broadened the attack to scapegoating social media, evinced in the ubiquity of op eds attacking X.
There is a definite air the revenge in the approach taken by the Government and the Police, with a direct targeting of the White Working Class as a permanent ‘enemy within’. There seems to be a conscious effort to solidify the electoral alliance between the Urban, Professional and Public sector based middle class and elements of the British Muslim community into a permanent public display of opposition to the ‘turnip Ghost’ of the EDL; the rallies against the absent Far Right which were strongly reminiscent of the public applause for the NHS staff at the start of the Pandemic in their performative quality.
The response of many on the Right (and elsewhere) is to characterize this as a Far-Left (quasi Stalinist) coup. This I believe is a misnomer not just because the Left are politically bankrupt having been gutted by the twin forces of Islamism and Identity politics, but also there is something chillingly familiar in the bland technocratic approach to it all. When I consider the bleakness of the Government’s outlook, the brazenness with which the government is advocating censorship, the refusal to address wider social issues or possible remedies, the expansion of repression through the launch of a mobile tactical Police unit, this makes me wonder if the new government doesn’t bear a close resemblance to politics as practiced by Schmitt.